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Sunday's elections marked the first time in the party's 70-year rule that it voted on a presidential candidate, as opposed to having the candidate hand-picked by the president in a process called the dedazo, literally "the big finger."

Although President Ernesto Zedillo rejected the official dedazo when he announced a few months ago that he was stepping out of the candidate-selection process to open the way for a broader democracy, many Mexicans perceived Labastida as the president's favorite, leaving little uncertainty about his eventual win.

Although the PRI's first primary election marks an important change from politics as usual, most observers believe it represents more of a gesture toward democracy than a strong, decisive move in that direction. While outside observers laud Mexico's increasing openness, complaints of fraud and corruption persisted throughout the primary.

Labastida, the former Sinaloa state governor and interior secretary -- a traditional steppingstone to the presidency -- faced little real competition. His closest rival, PRI rebel candidate Roberto Madrazo Pintado, ex-governor of the state of Tabasco, began a fierce TV campaign that lost speed toward Election Day. Other candidates included former Puebla governor and old-school party insider Manuel Bartlett, and ex-PRI president Humberto Roque.

The real match was played out between Labastida and Madrazo, who, despite the lopsided results, staged a campaign never seen before in Mexico. Madrazo raised eyebrows across the nation by lambasting the PRI's "party machinery," which has effectively guaranteed the party's continuous success through corruption and coercion, making it the world's most enduring ruling party. Touting his independence, Madrazo also took on Labastida's status as the perceived official candidate, attacking what he called thinly disguised presidential favoritism. In the end, it backfired.

Labastida walked away with 273 of the 300 electoral districts, leaving Madrazo with only 21, Bartlett with six and Roque with none. Paradoxically, the vote totals don't support Labastida's electoral district sweep. While Labastida gained 91 percent of the districts against Madrazo's 7, Labastida only gained 58 percent of the vote, whereas Madrazo drummed up a significant 31 percent.

The PRI was prepared for heavy turnout. Thousands of voting booths were installed throughout the country, open to all registered voters, regardless of party affiliation; election observers were put into place to assure that there were no irregularities; and four candidates waged a two-month-long official campaign. But in the end, the voters chose not to change. What happened? The election results seem to reflect both typical PRI corruption and genuine voter choice. Clearly, the PRI, while striving for democracy, has had a hard time changing its stripes. Reports of corruption circulated throughout the primary campaign. Everything from groceries, roof tiles and promises of government aid were reported to have been offered up to assure votes for Labastida. In addition, the tradition of the "cargada," or political rush to support the president's chosen candidate, remained in place despite Zedillo's purported indifference, bolstering Labastida's power base.

"The vote was just among the priistas," says Mexico City pundit Alejandro Angeles, using the common term for PRI supporters. "The PRI as a group wanted to make a statement on how to do the elections the best way, without breaking the party. Each individual priista had to discipline himself [by voting for Labastida] to keep a piece of the power pie."

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