Salon Newsreal | Why Birthright Israel can't work

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Discuss Ken Starr and his testimony in the Politics area of Table Talk

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Dr. Jekyll and Mr. Starr
By Gary Kamiya
When the real Kenneth Starr finally stood up before the House, he turned out to have a split personality
(11/20/98)
Starr Wars
By Joan Walsh
The Democrats strike back
(11/20/98)
Nothing has changed
Compiled by Lori Leibovich and Fiona Morgan
The consensus of political experts is that no minds were changed by Starr's day in court
(11/20/98)
Starr on the stand
An uncut transcript of Thursday's sometimes rancorous and often bitterly partisan congressional impeachment proceedings
(11/20/98)
Dear Ken
The full text of ethics advisor Sam Dash's letter of resignation to Kenneth Starr
(11/20/98)
Starr speaks
The full text of independent counsel Kenneth Starr's House Judiciary Committee testimony
(11/19/98)
A dozen questions Congress should ask Kenneth Starr
By David Talbot, Murray Waas and Joan Walsh
(11/18/98)
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WHY BIRTHRIGHT ISRAEL CAN'T WORK | PAGE 1, 2
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Zionism as an idea and Israel as a state drew largely from secular Judaism. The Orthodox believed only the Messiah could restore Zion; the Reform believed Zion already existed in America. For the Zionists, statehood itself was a religion, the force that would gather the scattered and mend the shattered. The Zionist idea informed a whole network of camps, clubs, youth organizations, cultural events and mass demonstrations in America during the first half of this century.
When Israel was founded in 1948, American Zionism paradoxically lost its reason for existing. The secular Judaism it embodied migrated to Israel and took the forms of the military, the kibbutzim, the Labor Party, the trade unions, the literary culture in Yiddish and Hebrew. American Zionists were left with only two real choices. They could make aliyah, settling in Israel, or they could stay here and watch secular Judaism wither.
Never was that clearer than one night last month in the Manhattan apartment of a theater producer named Emanuel Azenberg. He was hosting a reunion of about two dozen fellow veterans of Camp Kinderwelt, a Labor Zionist haven in the Catskills. There they had heard Abba Eban and Golda Meir speak; they had sung the anthem urging them to "arise and build"; they had played color war in teams of blue or white, the colors of a flag for a nascent nation.
The camp closed some 30 years ago, having lost its appeal in the face of competitors with water-skiing programs and Native American names. As the alumni chatted in Azenberg's apartment, lingering over yellowed snapshots and faded camp newsletters, they spoke of how difficult it had been for even such ardent believers as themselves to instill in their children a passion for Israel. Azenberg talked about how his three youngest children, born to his second wife, a Gentile, would not even be considered Jewish under Israeli laws written to placate the Orthodox establishment. Only one camper sounded certain of an ongoing familial bond to Israel: Judy Weisstein has a son who turned Orthodox and moved to a settlement in the occupied West Bank.
The difference between Azenberg and Weisstein -- or, more properly, between their children -- hints at a major shift in the relationship between American Jews and Israel. Increasingly, it is a relationship between Orthodox Jews and Israel. More than half of Orthodox Jews in America have made repeated visits to Israel, the sign of a connection deeper than a mere vacation, according to a recent survey by the American Jewish Committee. Less than one in 10 Reform Jews has done so.
The Orthodox need no largesse to make the trip. The rite of passage for an Orthodox teenager is to study for a year between high school and college in an Israeli yeshiva, often one led by the ultra-Orthodox known as the haredi, becoming imbued with a right-wing view of both Judaism and the peace process.
Israel's failure earlier this year to find a compromise on conversion standards -- on the so-called "Who is a Jew?" issue -- only added to the alienation that non-Orthodox American Jews feel from their putative homeland. The estrangement has been further compounded by the widespread coverage in America of ultra-Orthodox vandalism of a Reform day-care center and abuse of mixed-gender groups of worshippers at the Western Wall. Whether in Israel or America, a majority of Orthodox Jews oppose the peace process, which is at least warily endorsed by less-observant or non-religious Jews. And since 93 percent of American Jews are not Orthodox, that alienation has become not the exception but the norm.
Besides, America has given Jews the opposite of alienation. It has not merely accepted Jews; it has literally loved them. And nothing in the Jewish experience of persecution and oppression, of having one's identity defined by one's enemies, prepared Jews for love. The rate of interfaith marriage for Jews tops 50 percent.
By one definition, that phenomenon amounts to ethnic and religious suicide. By another, however, it represents the ultimate triumph of American pluralism. As novelist Bharati Mukherjee, born in India and naturalized as an American citizen, has observed, an immigrant must kill off a former self in order to become wholly American.
Every young person at Temple Neve Shalom who passes up the $500 voucher to visit Israel is, in a passive way, acting out Mukherjee's formulation. And every Jew eligible for Birthright Israel will face a similar choice, a choice made by inaction as much as action. Against the financial incentive of free travel stands the adversary that is America. Or as a Reform rabbi in South Carolina put it nearly 150 years ago, "This country is our Palestine."
SALON | Nov. 23, 1998
Samuel G. Freedman, a regular contributor to Salon, is a professor of journalism at Columbia University and the author of three books. He is currently working on his next book, about the break-up of American Jewry.

T A B L E+T A L K Discuss Ken Starr and his testimony in the Politics area of Table Talk R E C E N T L Y Dr. Jekyll and Mr. Starr By Gary Kamiya When the real Kenneth Starr finally stood up before the House, he turned out to have a split personality (11/20/98) Starr Wars By Joan Walsh The Democrats strike back (11/20/98) Nothing has changed Compiled by Lori Leibovich and Fiona Morgan The consensus of political experts is that no minds were changed by Starr's day in court (11/20/98) Starr on the stand An uncut transcript of Thursday's sometimes rancorous and often bitterly partisan congressional impeachment proceedings (11/20/98) Dear Ken The full text of ethics advisor Sam Dash's letter of resignation to Kenneth Starr (11/20/98) Starr speaks The full text of independent counsel Kenneth Starr's House Judiciary Committee testimony (11/19/98) A dozen questions Congress should ask Kenneth Starr By David Talbot, Murray Waas and Joan Walsh (11/18/98) - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - Browse the Newsreal Archives - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - S A L O N E M P O R I U M FREE! 12-ounce bag of Salon Blend with a purchase of $30 or more. While supplies last.
		WHY BIRTHRIGHT ISRAEL CAN'T WORK \| PAGE 1, 2 - - - - - - - - - - Zionism as an idea and Israel as a state drew largely from secular Judaism. The Orthodox believed only the Messiah could restore Zion; the Reform believed Zion already existed in America. For the Zionists, statehood itself was a religion, the force that would gather the scattered and mend the shattered. The Zionist idea informed a whole network of camps, clubs, youth organizations, cultural events and mass demonstrations in America during the first half of this century. When Israel was founded in 1948, American Zionism paradoxically lost its reason for existing. The secular Judaism it embodied migrated to Israel and took the forms of the military, the kibbutzim, the Labor Party, the trade unions, the literary culture in Yiddish and Hebrew. American Zionists were left with only two real choices. They could make aliyah, settling in Israel, or they could stay here and watch secular Judaism wither. Never was that clearer than one night last month in the Manhattan apartment of a theater producer named Emanuel Azenberg. He was hosting a reunion of about two dozen fellow veterans of Camp Kinderwelt, a Labor Zionist haven in the Catskills. There they had heard Abba Eban and Golda Meir speak; they had sung the anthem urging them to "arise and build"; they had played color war in teams of blue or white, the colors of a flag for a nascent nation. The camp closed some 30 years ago, having lost its appeal in the face of competitors with water-skiing programs and Native American names. As the alumni chatted in Azenberg's apartment, lingering over yellowed snapshots and faded camp newsletters, they spoke of how difficult it had been for even such ardent believers as themselves to instill in their children a passion for Israel. Azenberg talked about how his three youngest children, born to his second wife, a Gentile, would not even be considered Jewish under Israeli laws written to placate the Orthodox establishment. Only one camper sounded certain of an ongoing familial bond to Israel: Judy Weisstein has a son who turned Orthodox and moved to a settlement in the occupied West Bank. The difference between Azenberg and Weisstein -- or, more properly, between their children -- hints at a major shift in the relationship between American Jews and Israel. Increasingly, it is a relationship between Orthodox Jews and Israel. More than half of Orthodox Jews in America have made repeated visits to Israel, the sign of a connection deeper than a mere vacation, according to a recent survey by the American Jewish Committee. Less than one in 10 Reform Jews has done so. The Orthodox need no largesse to make the trip. The rite of passage for an Orthodox teenager is to study for a year between high school and college in an Israeli yeshiva, often one led by the ultra-Orthodox known as the haredi, becoming imbued with a right-wing view of both Judaism and the peace process. Israel's failure earlier this year to find a compromise on conversion standards -- on the so-called "Who is a Jew?" issue -- only added to the alienation that non-Orthodox American Jews feel from their putative homeland. The estrangement has been further compounded by the widespread coverage in America of ultra-Orthodox vandalism of a Reform day-care center and abuse of mixed-gender groups of worshippers at the Western Wall. Whether in Israel or America, a majority of Orthodox Jews oppose the peace process, which is at least warily endorsed by less-observant or non-religious Jews. And since 93 percent of American Jews are not Orthodox, that alienation has become not the exception but the norm. Besides, America has given Jews the opposite of alienation. It has not merely accepted Jews; it has literally loved them. And nothing in the Jewish experience of persecution and oppression, of having one's identity defined by one's enemies, prepared Jews for love. The rate of interfaith marriage for Jews tops 50 percent. By one definition, that phenomenon amounts to ethnic and religious suicide. By another, however, it represents the ultimate triumph of American pluralism. As novelist Bharati Mukherjee, born in India and naturalized as an American citizen, has observed, an immigrant must kill off a former self in order to become wholly American. Every young person at Temple Neve Shalom who passes up the $500 voucher to visit Israel is, in a passive way, acting out Mukherjee's formulation. And every Jew eligible for Birthright Israel will face a similar choice, a choice made by inaction as much as action. Against the financial incentive of free travel stands the adversary that is America. Or as a Reform rabbi in South Carolina put it nearly 150 years ago, "This country is our Palestine." SALON \| Nov. 23, 1998 Samuel G. Freedman, a regular contributor to Salon, is a professor of journalism at Columbia University and the author of three books. He is currently working on his next book, about the break-up of American Jewry.