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Letters to the Editor | page 1, 2, 3
Mark Gimein argues that if local regulators are allowed to restrict AT&T's
demand to have a monopoly, it will supposedly open the door for local
regulations to restrict other things. The examples he then gives are a
prosecutor in Tennessee seeking to sanction a pornographer in California,
the U.S. government blocking the Web site of a casino in Antigua and China
trying to shut down a pro-Taiwan Web site in New York. In all three cases, however, jurisdiction is the defining issue: The governmental body does not have its opponent within
its domain, so its power to regulate simply doesn't exist. AT&T, however, having obtained an exclusive contract with the local government agencies (such as
Portland) trying to regulate AT&T's never-agreed-upon use of cable lines,
is most certainly under the jurisdiction of these local governments. Gimein then tries to bring up the boogeyman of content suppression,
indicating that allowing local governments the right to regulate business
contracts opens up the door to restricting certain Web pages through its
service. This again is a frivolous argument. Restricting Web pages is an
issue of First Amendment rights, issues not even remotely
involved with in the AT&T battle, despite the company's whine. This is
an issue involving contractual rights, not constitutional rights. Last time
I checked, AT&T did not have a constitutional freedom to screw customers on
a whim with sweetheart business deals. In fact, Gimein misses the reverse danger of giving AT&T free rein
over Internet access: that the company may regulate access to the Net for its own
benefit. It is quite possible that AT&T may restrict the access of Web
pages critical to its business dealings or those high up in its corporate
structure. Should local governments allow them to do this blindly? -- Robert Sterling
Shootout among Arkansas Republicans Suzi Parker's story is shot
through with errors. There is one significant error of fact that we'd like
to discuss immediately below, but we feel that her errors of judgment and
representation are at least as significant. Parker alleges that our magazine, the Arkansas Review, stated that the
governor of Arkansas "refused" to sign a fund-raising letter. This is false:
We stated specifically that the fund-raising mishap "occurred without the
governor's knowledge." She then suggests that we "didn't tell the whole
story" and quotes a gubernatorial spokesman to the effect that the governor
wanted to wait until after he had finished with an election campaign to get
involved with a fund-raising campaign. This is also false: The Arkansas
Review discussed exactly that gubernatorial explanation just two paragraphs
after the one that Parker misinterpreted. But the errors of judgment she made were in some respects more severe. For
instance, her story uses three paragraphs to reproduce three different
allegations from three different people that we made errors in the coverage
of a local political campaign. But her story never discusses the errors we
purportedly made. In a two-hour interview, she never bothered to ask us
about any of the details of this story -- the one that she claims "appears
riddled with errors." Although her apparent reportorial method --
reproducing controversial allegations without doing any work to see if
they're true -- would make things a lot easier for journalists, it would
also make journalism close to worthless. Just as important, though, is her fundamental lack of fairness in her
representation of the interview she conducted with our magazine's staff. We
recall making a simple point, again and again, during this interview in
tiresome detail: that our magazine's accuracy is extraordinarily important,
we take great pains to get our facts right, and we take any suggestions
that we fail to do that very seriously and are eager to make retractions if
we get things wrong. Through the magic of creative redaction, this was transformed into two
remarkable epigrams: "'Factual mistakes will happen in any publication,'
adds Greenberg. 'You can't take this too seriously.'" No fair-minded
person who heard any significant portion of the interview would take this
as remotely representative of our conversation. More generally, no
fair-minded person would reproduce a pronoun as she does without being
scrupulous about its referent, or reproduce what is obviously an
extraordinarily ambiguous sentence without its appropriate context. Hilariously, Parker's article is in large part a discussion and criticism
of our "journalistic integrity and ethics." Some integrity. Some ethics. -- Dan Greenberg
SALON NEWS EDITOR JOAN WALSH RESPONDS ...
Uncle Sam wants you -- in the dark I was employed by Sandia National Laboratories, in Albuquerque, N.M., when the explosion on the USS Iowa occurred, and when one of our top scientists at the laboratory assembled a group that investigated the accident. The findings were
published, in our company organ, "Sandia Lab News," as well as
disseminated to the local media, the Department of Energy, the
Department of Defense and the Navy. The report clearly pointed the finger
at the Navy, even though it was somewhat embarrassing to the lab to do
so, because as prime contractors to the Department of Energy, the lab works closely with the U.S. military in the design, development, oversight of production, deployment,
retirement and dismantling of all nuclear weapons. The government funded the investigation, and the results -- clearly pointing at the
Navy as responsible, and clearing the allegedly "gay" sailor --
could not be considered a coverup by the government. The full report should be available from: Sandia National Laboratories, Office of Information Services, P. O. Box 5800, Albuquerque, NM 87085-0165. -- George W. Perkins
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