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Not just blowing smoke | page 1, 2, 3
Invested? I was in a situation where -- if I had, for instance, gone
public and denounced what was going on, I endangered revealing
my source. So I was caught in a situation where even if I did go
public, I realized -- being, as Morley Safer liked to point out to me, "just
a producer" -- I could easily be damaged from behind by my colleagues saying,
"Well, he's off the reservation, and there are all kinds of other factors
here that he doesn't even know about." And what would that have done? It wouldn't have helped Wigand's
credibility. That's for sure. So, it was a difficult balancing act at
that point. But there's no question that Mike and Don, from the period of
these first meetings until the middle of October, which would be two weeks
after quote "the final decision," had no intention of ever making any of
this public, had no intention of lifting a finger to help Wigand. Just the
opposite. The company had said, "Don't go near him, don't help him." It's only when they realized that if they cut Wigand loose -- which is
what they had done -- that the story itself, that is, the substance of what
he had to say about Brown & Williamson, was going to come out anyway. So they were going to lose the story -- part of which appeared on
the front page of the Wall Street Journal -- and eventually the story would come out
that they killed the story. So that's when they began maneuvering. Don began maneuvering to figure out a way to
do "a censored version." Which is not accurately portrayed in the movie. But it's a complication
that's very difficult to explicate. It sounds like when it became clear that others were going to get the
story and he was going to lose the story, Don's journalistic chops kicked in. To a certain extent. But there was the problem of how to spin it. At that
point, assuming that more of the story came out, and my reporting back to
them that Wigand was now talking to the Wall Street Journal, it would come
out eventually that they had killed the story. And why did Wigand start talking to the Wall Street Journal? Well, because he was no longer obligated just to talk to us. And because,
in the middle of August, he had put his name on the witness list for ABC
and their libel suit. And then ABC folded. So he was hanging out there to
dry anyway by ABC already, and their lawyers. And so reporters were calling
him. Byron Levin of the L.A. Times was calling him, Alex Friedman was
calling him. And he would say to me, "Should I talk to these people?" And
I said, "No, no. We're going to do the story. Don't talk to them." And
then when we're not doing the story, he calls me and says, "Should I talk
to this woman?" And I said, "I guess you should, because we're not doing
the story." It seems you had to go through this difficult personal transformation from the
journalist who has managed whistle-blowers all your career to being one yourself. In a manner of speaking, my final act as a whistle-blower in this is the
movie. Because, in the movie, it's clear I leaked the story to the New York Times
that made it all public. You know, so that is true. The other thing
that's happened is that -- and this is a matter of luck and the fact that a
lot of people stood up and did the right thing -- is that the movie
undermines any attempt to simply spin this as an anomaly. The reality is, inside the business -- especially the network television
news business -- it's self-censored, mostly. And when push comes to
shove, it's censored. And that's when it has to deal particularly with
stories that involved institutions that are the same size or larger --
private institutions, public institutions, governments, spy agencies --
they're all fair game. But in the world where multinational megacorporations
are the new and growing power center, don't expect to see much critical coverage
on network television. The fictional treatment reveals that structural reality. Is that really what you're
proudest of in this film? I'm proudest for Michael Mann and Eric Roth, and the people involved
in making the film, that they were actually able to get this film not only
made, but distributed. In Hollywood film history, it's hard to think of another
political-economic critique of a major industry like the media. Yeah. I don't think that this is what I would call an in-depth political
critique. It's not a documentary or a polemic. But through the structure
that Michael Mann has chosen to tell the story -- which is really about two
people -- those concepts are the overarching theme. Michael wasn't trying to make a pseudo-documentary. So he's not looking
for complex pieces of information that he's going to throw
into one fact. There was some criticism in the New Yorker, for instance, and
arguments that I had with him, you know -- "What about the criminal
investigation? What about the Tisch family? That's not explained in the
movie." But it's a story, it's a movie. I think everyone will agree who sees it,
no matter whether you like the movie or not, the movie makes you
uncomfortable. It makes you psychologically, emotionally uncomfortable
because of the level of tension that's maintained for so long. More like a play. And the acting of Russell Crowe is just phenomenal. You get the sense of
Wigand, of an average American with various neuroses, trying to
make it and being confronted with these objective realities. | ||
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